Ikwerre Youth Movement International

Ikwerre Youth Movement International The official online presence of the Ikwerre Youth Movement International

18/07/2024

“Any democracy that cannot accommodate criticism is no democracy. A democracy that subverts fair hearing is a dictatorship. A democracy that permits a ruling party to demobilise its organs and inadvertently expels its members is worse than a military government.”
- Salihu Moh. Lukman

A History of IkwerreA deeper and better understanding Correcting some erroneous  pre- concieved notions propagated by ve...
05/07/2024

A History of Ikwerre
A deeper and better understanding
Correcting some erroneous pre- concieved notions propagated by vengeful, revisionist ethnocentric theorists.

Onyewumbu
17/06/2024

Onyewumbu

I don talk am finis
06/06/2024

I don talk am finis

06/06/2024

Our Culture...

Bottle of juniper alcohol, recovered by Captain Bryan Smith, in the New Calabar River (Nigeria). This type of object was...
04/03/2024

Bottle of juniper alcohol, recovered by Captain Bryan Smith, in the New Calabar River (Nigeria). This type of object was used by the Dutch as a bargaining chip, their square shape made them easy to transport, and along with textiles and fi****ms, were sold to traders on the African coast, who were the mediators in negotiations for the slave trade. Glass bottle, made by Van Hoytema & Co. (Holland), until the middle of the 19th century.

16/02/2024

True or false

04/02/2024

NDELE MARKETS
AHIA GBOO
Ndele Market is one of the most documented Ikwerre markets in colonial history. It also led to the kalabari- Bonny war, known as the Ndelli internal market war over who controlled trade there in 1879. The market was essential to the survival of Bonny after the ban on slave exports. The market that caused the war was Ahia Gboo, meaning ancient market. Ahia Gboo was instrumental to the peopling of Ndele and the repeopling of the Agba section. This is because the king of Bonny, with the cooperation of his Ndele in-laws, had quartered most of his fighting force there during the Ndele Internal Market war. It is in the last village, Omoviri, at the Agba Ndele waterfront and takes place every Ekne before Urie Ahia Chukwu at mgbuolua. The riverine people (kalabari, Bille, etc.) come with fish and other things and exchange them with our farm produce, including the Abua people, to this significant Market of Ndele. The activities at Ahia Gboo led to a general saying, BILLE NDELE... NDELE BILLE. The Ndele people cherish their relationship with Bille and see themselves as one.

Other markets such as Ahia Chukwu, owned by the Mgbuolua location at the station side, and comes up every Urie day; there is also Ahia Mgbuelia, owned by the Mgbuelia people, located along the east-west road normal on Ekne day and Ahia Omofo, owned by the Omofo people, situated along Omofo /Egamini road.
Major traders at these markets are people from Elele Alimini, Rumuekpne Ahoada, Abua and Kalabari.

AHIA NKWO APANIHistorically, the Apani community is a confederation of forest people with independent historical migrati...
14/01/2024

AHIA NKWO APANI
Historically, the Apani community is a confederation of forest people with independent historical migrations from different directions and claims of autochthony. This confederation was initially made up of 4 different quarters, i.e., Umuolori, Umesiobi, Umuihudiala (now Umudiala) and Umudagwa until 1978 when the Uborum sub-unit gained their autonomy from the Umudiala quarter. Today, Apani comprises eight sections with the three last entrants, i.e., Umuoji split from the Olori quarter, Umukerenyi split from the Umudagwa and Umunta (now Umuba) divided from the Uborum quarter into the geographical space. Each quarter is independent of the other, with noticeable slants in their spoken dialect, with each speaking dialect depicting their places of origin. The most standard way to describe the Apani variation of the Ikwerre Language is that it is a blend of the Ikwerre, Ohaji and Etche languages. Apani is a border town with Umuapu and Omuagwo of Ohaji on one side, Egbu and Owu of Etche on another and their fellow Ikwerres of Omerelu and Ubima at the other end.
Apani is stricto sensu, unrelated to Elele and their other subunits, such as Omerelu, Egbeda, or Alimini. However, for administrative purposes arising from dialect, geographical, cultural, and territorial affinities, they are usually grouped with Omerelu. In all respects, they have maintained their internal and external sovereignty, although their numerical population has always been an impediment. The coming together of these people caused the establishment of a trading place known as Nkwo Ahia Apani.



Ahia Nkwo Apani was a place of buying and selling with the neighbouring forest communities like Omele in present-day Omerelu, Ubima, Umuapnu, Umuagwo, Ilile and other Ohaji-Ikwerre communities in present-day Imo state, Elele and other Elele offshoots like Egbeda, etc., Egbu-Etche and other Etche communities. Ahia Nkwo Apani existed before Elele invaded Omele, which led to the creation of Ahia Awhnu-Omerelu. The market sells on a 4-day periodicity, especially the Nkwo day.
Every traditional market in Ikwerre has a patron deity which controls the day of trade. The market was consecrated by the earlier ancestors on Nkwo day by the Nyekwa Awhnu Ezi (Chief Priest of Awhnu Ezi), the head of the Ohna Apani, which meets on Awhnu days. The Chief Priest of Awhnu Ezi carried out the consecration since the market is situated in the Olori quarter of Apani, but the Nkwo Day was adopted because it is a day of peace; no quarrels or bloodshed are allowed; only festivities and buying and selling of agricultural surpluses. The Nkwo day was a day reserved for the worship of Ala Apani, the Earth goddess.
The market is divided into sections of the village (Mgbu), where the women of the section keep clean and sell their wares. People who arrive early to the market but have no stalls squat with their wares at any vacant space where they spread their goods for sale. In these markets, there are no fixed quotations for goods, so there is a lot of haggling -the seller tries to get the highest price for their produce, and the buyer tries to beat the price- and there is lots of noise.
However, recently, a new market was built by the Ikwerre Local government under Dr Blessing Didia and later renovated by Hon. Samuel Nwanosike, which was to be a daily market at the site of the Awhnu Ezi shrine land. The market failed as a daily market because of the neighbouring markets, which fall on the subsequent days like Ahia Awhnu Omerelu after it was consecrated by Nyekwa Awhnu Ezi shrine and is now operational on small Nkwo day every 4th day. The Late Hon. Samuel Wanjoku rebuilt the old market as a councillor representing the community at the Ikwerre Local Government Council. These markets attract a lot of traders from neighbouring towns like Umuapu, Ubima, Elele, Ilile (other Ohaji towns), Omerelu, Egbu-Etche and persons who come from Ijo land to buy Garri, hunted meat, pepper, etc. The market is regarded by the Ijo traders, who never miss a market day, as the capital of Garri, which sells cheaply due to its surplus supply.
-Taken from the chapter ' Markets of Iwhnuruohna' in Book 2 of "A History of Ikwerre-Their Sociology

13/01/2024

ELELE
Omenele (Elele)



Elele Town has two markets, Ahia Ekne Oma and Ahia Ekne, called Ogwumabiri or Station Market. This Ahia Ekne Oma is a traditional Elele market situated along Elele-Owerri Rd. This market is periodic and sells on Ekne Ukwu days only. People from far and near come to buy and sell, but cassava is the exclusive right of two major communities of Omopo and Agugwuibo married women. No woman from Elele, even from the above communities but married outside the community, is allowed to.
Every market holds to itself a history that drives the town.
The second Market, Ekne Ahia Ekne, is situated along Elele-Omudioga/Omoku road. It is also known as the "Station Market", or daily Market or Ahia Ogwumabiri. It buys and sells every day, but initially, it was a periodic market trading on small eke days (every four days after Ahia Ekne Oma, meaning it buys every eight days). Like the tradition at Ahia Ekne Oma, only the married women of the Mgbuayim and Omuokpiriku communities can sell cassava in the market. Ahia Ekne Ogwumabiri is a creation of long-distance trade. Every long-distance trade requires a resting place for traders where traders would spend the night replenishing provisions and information on the state of trade routes dispersed. These rest places became marketplaces, and Eke Ahia Ekne, Station Market, or Ahia Ogwumabiri became such. The word Ogwumabiri is taken from the name of a trade town in the Ijo territory, which is OGBOLOAMABIRI- a coastal village which is an offshoot of and part of Nembe in present-day Bayelsa state where trade was carried out between the migrating Ibo traders and other long-distance traders with the Ijo and Portuguese. The word "Biri" is an ijo word referring to a place of residence, just as "AMA" is an Igbo prefix now, ijo was also added, signifying the impact of the Ibo migration to Nembe. It was at the Elele rest point where the trade stories were shared, which became the name of the market. In the words of Obi Wali,' Elele thus became the caravan route of Ikwerre Civilization'.
Ahia Ekne Oma and Ahia Ekne (Station Market) existed before the documented arrival of the Ibos in 1400, the appearance of the Portuguese in 1430 and the arrival of the Hausa to Elele in 1890. Besides the Portuguese, the arrival or passage of the Ibos and the subsequent arrival of the Hausas added prominence to the markets at Elele as they flourished. Ahia Ogwumabiri Elele took care of the migrant traders, and most of them naturalized as Elele became the connecting point or hub between the markets at Igwuocha (Port Harcourt), Ekpeye markets, Ijo markets, Kalabari/Bonny markets, and the markets of the Ibo homelands.
In the olden days, the Ahia Ekne Juju controlled both markets in Elele. AA Waga confirms the observations and assertions of Talbot, P.A., who visited Elele in 1914 and goes on to list the predecessors of Elechi Wokonwere in Ovua Omokpirikwu as 'Enyidah, Omerenyi, Wonah, and Azundah. In his words, 'It happened that it was believed that Ahia-Ekne juju was very powerful in his discharge of spiritual functions by killing evildoers instantly. It travelled in the form of shooting stars known as "Aku-Ogu-Ahia Ekne". Secondly, the juju priest did not eat anything besides plantain or old yams ready for planting. For these reasons, he was supported by the whole clan annually during the new yam festival by bringing all sorts, including plantain and old yams, to him. It was a festive and grand occasion that included dances and wrestling matches, but because of Okabam Wodoo's selfishness, stinginess, and misery to reciprocate the kind gesture, the custom of paying tributes to the juju priest of Ahia Ekne was abolished". (Waga,1999, p.46-47).
All neighbouring communities within Ikwerre local government and beyond visited the markets at Elele. It was the most significant inland Market in Ikwerre land before the acquisition of Port Harcourt in 1912/13. The Markets at Elele, most importantly, acted as a relay market where goods were exchanged and moved towards the Abaji (Atlantic) communities and to the inlands as far as Ngwa, Urhobo etc. Trade migrations heavily influenced the beliefs, language, arts, culture of the Ikwerre to a great extent.
Ekne Ahia Ekne, the daily market (Ogwumabiri) of Elele, was rebuilt after the Nigeria Biafra by the Elele Development and Planning Authority and handed over to the Ikwerre Local Government Council.
AHIA NKWO APANI
Ahia Nkwo Apani was a place of buying and selling with the neighbouring forest communities like Omele in present-day Omerelu, Ubima, Umuapnu, Umuagwo, Ilile and other Ohaji-Ikwerre communities in present-day Imo state, Elele and other Elele offshoots like Egbeda, etc., Egbu-Etche and other Etche communities. Ahia Nkwo Apani existed before Elele invaded Omele, which led to the creation of Ahia Awhnu-Omerelu. The market sells on a 4-day periodicity, especially the Nkwo day.
Every traditional market in Ikwerre has a patron deity which controls the day of trade. The Opening day was consecrated by the earlier ancestors on Nkwo days by the Nyekwa Awhnu Ezi (Chief Priest of Awhnu Ezi), the head of the Ohna Apani. The Nkwo Day was adopted because it is a day of peace; no quarrels or bloodshed is allowed, only festivities and the buying and selling agricultural surpluses. The market is divided into sections of the village (Mgbu), where the women of the section keep clean and sell their wares. People who arrive early to the market but have no stalls squat with their wares at any vacant space where they spread their goods for sale. In these markets, there are no fixed quotations for goods, so there is a lot of haggling -the seller tries to get the highest price for their produce, and the buyer tries to beat the price- and there is lots of noise.
However, recently, a new market was built by the Ikwerre Local government, which was to be a daily market at the site of the Awhnu Ezi shrine land. The market failed as a daily market because of the neighbouring markets, which fall on the subsequent days like Ahia Awhnu Omerelu after it was consecrated by Nyekwa Awhnu Ezi shrine and is now operational on small Nkwo day every 4th day. The market attracts a lot of traders from neighbouring towns like Umuapu, Ubima, Elele, Ilile (other Ohaji towns), Omerelu, Egbu-Etche and persons who come from Ijo land to buy Garri, hunted meat, pepper, etc.

06/01/2024

“The illiterate of the twenty-first century will not be those who cannot read and write, but those who cannot learn, unlearn, and relearn.”

-Alvin Toffler (1928-2016)

TOWN MAIN MARKET AND CREEK ROAD EXTENSION MARKET Markets have been described as the 'life' of Port Harcourt- Town main M...
06/01/2024

TOWN MAIN MARKET AND CREEK ROAD EXTENSION MARKET

Markets have been described as the 'life' of Port Harcourt- Town main Market, Creek Road extension market and the Mile3 Diobu market. These are creations of the colonial market. Town main market, the Creek Road market, which lies toward the end of the Port Harcourt peninsula and the Mile 3 Nkpolu Oroworukwo market, was established at Ohia Bisi Elechi along Owerri (now Ikwerre) Road were established in 1949.
"Stalls in the other two markets (Town main market and Mile 3 Diobu market) are very much sought after; the scale of rents for crown plots of land is based on the distance from the main market, and there is no doubt that sites in or adjacent to this market are the most valuable in Port Harcourt. No figures are available, but a fair estimate might be that a trader who had enough capital to stock a stall in the main market could make a profit of £300 a year, and if he could secure and stock a lock-up shop, he could look forward to a profit of £1000."
-(R.K. Floyer, D.O. Ibekwe and J.O. Njemanze,1955).
The excess demand and supply occasioned by the rapid migration into Port Harcourt as a developing city made the Town council's power to allocate market stalls and lock up shops a source of considerable financial reward to opportunistic officeholders, leading to the appointment of the 1954 commission of Inquiry into allegations of corrupt market allocations. "In dealing with the allegations against the council concerning markets, it is clear that some sections of traders made a determined and unscrupulous attempt to secure at any cost what they considered to be their rights. As in most of the urban markets of the region, anyone who secures a market stall regards it as heritable property, and there have been numerous actions in the court against the council in pursuance of market improvement schemes(ibid). The commission was critical of many councillors' dependents whose names appeared in the market's records and the councillors' acceptance of gifts from market traders.
Ronald Wraith and Edgar Simpson, 1963, writes,
"The second Port Harcourt council of 1955 acquired a reputation for inefficiency and corruption, leading to the setting up of the R.K. Floyer Commission of Inquiry. The council's administration of the three (3) township markets was easily the most politically volatile subject, given rise to vociferous complaints. The allocation of market stalls and lock-up stalls often seemed contingent upon the payment of bribes or family connections with the councillors. Most market stalls, for example, were hired from the council by speculators who sublet an extremely scarce and precious product at a much higher rate. A survey of 15 sheds in the main market revealed that a total of 364 stalls, no more than 142, were occupied by the councils' official tenants. Another survey discussed the names of several councillors and their relations among the market stall allottees. On one occasion, a councillors' construction firm was awarded more than half the work of a £24,000 contract to build a market extension. The commission of Enquiry found against the council on nine (9) separate counts ranging from accepting bribes to methods of staff recruitment".
The corruption in the markets led to the dissolution of the Second Port Harcourt Town Council. However, the markets have continued to grow under the supervision of the Port Harcourt Local Government Council to date.

-Taken from the chapter ' Markets of Iwhnuruohna' in Book 2 of "A History of Ikwerre-Their Sociology

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