10/22/2026
THE CASE AGAINST CAPITAL PUNISHMENT PART I: The Civic Arguement
“There isn’t anything good that will come from this.” This was my initial thought as I woke up last week and read that the US Secretary of Defence, Pete Hegseth, announced that Nidal Hasan, the Army psychiatrist who killed 13 people and injured 32 other people back in 2009, would be executed by firing squad. What disturbed me most was the plan for the ex*****on to be live-streamed for all the world to see—the first public ex*****on in the US since 1936.
In a government that seems to be intent on lowering the bar on human decency, I found this decision particularly distasteful. The act of a Western democracy live-streaming the planned shooting of a man is unacceptable, regardless of what this man has done.
While the proposal faced widespread condemnation across the political and religious spectrum, it still had enough support within the Trump base to make it seem likely they’d go through with it. Voices like far-right commentator Laura Loomer argued that publicly executing the Fort Hood shooter would "help improve the morale of Americans" who wanted to see clear justice delivered. Others argued a state-sanctioned public ex*****on would serve as an unambiguous warning to any potential terrorists. It should not surprise us that the only countries that still regularly perform public ex*****ons are Iran, Afghanistan, and North Korea—countries known to use fear to compel compliance from their own citizens. The US was set to join that exclusive group.
The parallels with first-century Rome are glaring. Crucifixion was the most common method of deterrence, conducted in prominent public areas where crowds could gather and witness the consequences of challenging Rome. While a few dozen people might be present for the actual crucifixion, the death could take several hours to a couple of days. During that time, hundreds of people would pass by and witness the still dying prisoner on the cross. Furthermore, Roman authorities rarely allowed immediate burial. Leaving bodies on crosses for days or weeks meant the total accumulative audience for a single crucifixion grew continuously over time as more and more people walked by.
Thanks to modern technology, a livestream of Nidal Hasan’s ex*****on could be watched instantly by millions; millions more could see it later as clips spread across social media and news broadcasts. Much like travellers who could not avoid seeing crosses lined along Roman roads, those who wish to avoid graphic footage could still encounter it by opening a feed or turning on the TV at the wrong time—leaving these unavoidable images exposed to all, including children. It has been well documented that witnessing public ex*****ons is linked to PTSD in children and can lead to further violence in general society by desensitizing the public.
I am relieved that the US administration came to its senses and decided not to broadcast Hasan’s ex*****on. I assume they recognized the obvious: live-streaming a terrorist's death is more likely to be used as propaganda rather than being a deterrent, turning a murderer into a martyr and fuelling further anti-American radicalization.
While Jesus and Hasan are two very different people, the state's intention to publicly execute them stems from this similar logic. Rome publicly executed Jesus to crush his movement. In spite of this intention, and because of the public nature of his death, he became a martyr—turning the cross from a symbol of Roman oppression into a global symbol of an anti-imperialist religion.
This recent episode in the Trump reality show that is the United States, with last month’s botched ex*****on of Christa Pike, feels like an apt time at The Abbey to talk about capital punishment. I am not someone who normally has black-and-white views. There are two things, however, that I am rigid about: the need to own a gun, and capital punishment. If you disagree, I completely understand. You’ll have to bear with me for the next 15 mins or so.
When I first began this reflection, I assumed that the vast majority of Canadians were opposed to the death penalty. But what I found while researching this topic is that, when it comes to capital punishment, I’m in the minority among my fellow citizens. According to a recent survey published in the National Post, 57% of Canadians now support reinstating the death penalty for murders, with only 35% of respondents disagreeing with bringing it back. Those numbers floored me.
There are three primary arguments advocates of state-sponsored ex*****ons give for those who commit murder. First, similar to public ex*****ons, they act as a deterrent to future murders. Knowing that the penalty for Killing another is one's own death.. should, in theory, decrease the number of murders in this society.
Second, it fulfills our perception of fairness: by matching the crime with the punishment, it should give the population the sense that justice has been served. This is especially true for friends and family members of the victim. The death of the perpetrator is often said to give some closure to that horrific chapter in their lives.
And finally, taxpayers should not bear the financial burden of housing, feeding, and providing medical care to murderers for the entirety of their lives. Why should we pay to keep a killer alive.
In my opinion these arguments supporting capital punishment do not hold up under closer scrutiny.
There is overwhelming evidence that the death penalty does not act as a deterrent. A 2009 survey in The Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology found strong consensus (87%) among leading criminologists.. that the deterrence argument is a myth and offers no additional benefit over life in prison. And of course this makes sense, considering most violent crimes are committed in heat-of-the-moment passion and/or when intoxicated - in other words, by people who are not considering the long-term legal ramifications of their actions. In fact, many states and nations that have abolished the death penalty maintain lower homicide rates than neighbouring areas that actively carry out ex*****ons.
Second, capital punishment does not save taxpayers money. When evaluated solely on financial metrics, according to numerous studies and articles, the death penalty imposes a far greater burden on taxpayers than life sentences without parole. Recent estimates indicate that seeking an ex*****on increases death row inmate costs by two to five times. This price disparity is driven by extended legal battles, multiple appeals over an average fifteen-year period on death row, and the significant administrative costs associated with high-security solitary confinement.
Whether an ex*****on brings closure to a victim's family varies significantly from person to person. Still, real-world evidence and psychological studies show that ex*****ons rarely deliver the closure people expect, and for many families, they actually prolong trauma.
Quoting an article from the Death Penalty Information Center (DPI), an independent nonprofit organization that provides objective data, analysis, and research on capital punishment, explains why this is the case:
"Capital cases are always lengthy, given the procedural safeguards in the system intended to protect individuals from wrongful conviction, and these safeguards can slow the healing process for grieving family members. Marilyn Armour, the Director of the Institute for Restorative Justice and Restorative Dialogue, has worked with homicide survivors for over two decades. She and fellow researcher Mark Umbreit published a study in 2012 comparing how victims’ family members cope with loss… in Texas, a death penalty state, and Minnesota, which does not have the death penalty. Their research interviewed family members at different stages after the initial sentence and found that participants from Minnesota showed a marked decrease in grief symptoms over time, unlike those from Texas. The Minnesota families were able to move on sooner as they did not have to repeatedly relive their trauma through the lengthy appeals process, testifying about their loss and facing the defendant in court."
Even if one ignored everything else, one fact should matter most. Individuals have been and will continue to be executed for crimes they did not commit. According to the 2014 peer-reviewed study published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, it is believed that at least 4.1% of defendants sentenced to death in the United States are innocent. To put it another way, that's 1 in every 20 convictions. The researchers emphasized that 4.1% is a conservative, minimum estimate, meaning the actual proportion of innocent people sentenced to death, and potentially executed, is likely higher.
The reality is the state gets things wrong all the time, and it consistently targets people based on their race and income. Plain and simple: if you’re poor or a person of colour, you’re much more likely to end up on death row. At the end of the day, given the statistics, some here may not agree with me, and that’s okay. But I am convinced that any society that adjudicates death as punishment diminishes that society each time the act is performed. To take a life to pay for a life taken is just more death.
Next week, I will expand this exploration within the framework of Christianity, showing how our religious orientation toward grace, forgiveness, and redemption offers a unique and powerful perspective.